|
Luca Marenzio
Imagine taking a time
machine back to the England of 1600. As an interested observer of the musical scene, you naturally seek out the company of
musicians. One evening in a London tavern the talk turns to madrigals. “And who in your view is the greatest madrigal
composer?”, you ask the assembled company. “Why, Messer Luca Marenzio of Rome, of course” comes the reply,
almost in chorus. “Yes, indeed”, adds one of their number, “so esteemed is maestro Marenzio that five years
ago even our famous John Dowland, now in the service of the King of Denmark, travelled to Italy to seek study with him, although
we don’t think he reached Rome”.[1]
Marenzio’s eminence,
which apart from being widely recognised in England extended far across continental Europe, may perhaps come as a surprise
today, when as a madrigalist he remains firmly in the shadow of Monteverdi and Gesualdo. Yet even allowing for the fact that
by 1600 Monteverdi had published only three books of madrigals, Marenzio continued to be held up as the exemplar of a fluent,
classical style of madrigal composition, the finest exponent of the “pure” madrigal. In 1610 he was described
by the Italian writer Alessandro Guarini (who is not to be confused with the famous author of Il pastor fido, Giovanni
Battista Guarini) as “that musician who goes dispersing delight with his sweetness and lightness, determined above all
not to offend the ear, but enticing it with exquisite sweetness”, while a century later another Italian writer could
refer to Marenzio as “The sweetest swan who composed in the madrigal style”. Time and again it is this word “sweetness”
that recurs in connection with the madrigals of Marenzio, yet as we will see it tells only a misleading part of the story.
Life and Times
Given the slow speed
at which news travelled in those days, our convivial English drinking companions may not have known in 1600 that by then Luca
Marenzio had died in Rome, an event that occurred on 22 August 1599, just over two months short of his probable 46th birthday.
Like many composers of this period, his exact birth date is unknown, but acting on the evidence of a pollizza d’estimo
(a statement made for tax purposes) completed in 1588 by Marenzio’s father Giovanni Francesco, the composer’s
biographer Marco Bizzarini has computed that Luca was born in either 1553 or 1554, while the seventeenth-century historian
Ottavio Rossi claimed he was named after St. Luke, which would make his birth-date 18 October 1554.[2] Marenzio’s place of birth was Coccaglia, a small town lying to the west of Brescia, where according to
Rossi (himself a Brescian who may have known Marenzio personally), he studied with Giovanni Contino, maestro di capella
of Brescia Cathedral, although the suggestion that the young Luca was a chorister there has no verifiable claim to truth.
But there is certainly strong evidence to support some form of relationship between Contino and Marenzio, not least Contino’s
service with the Gonzagas in Mantua, which lasted sporadically between 1562 and 1573. It seems highly probable that Contino
introduced Marenzio to the court, the evidence of a surviving letter in the Gonzaga archives suggesting that the young musician
spent some time working there. Assuming that to be the case, Marenzio could hardly have avoided coming into contact with one
of the foremost madrigalists of the day, Giaches de Wert, maestro of the basilica of Santa Barbara in Mantua, whose
works would have made a powerful impression on the adolescent Marenzio. Indeed, as Anthony Rooley has noted,[3] certain of Marenzio’s madrigals suggest the direct influence of Wert. They were also the only madrigalists
to have set Luigi Tansillo’s desolate cycle Se quel dolor in its entirety, Wert in 1577, Marenzio in his 6th
Book for Six Voices (1595); it must be considered likely Marenzio was familiar with Wert’s setting.
The conjectural link
between Marenzio and Contino gains further credibility from the appointment of Marenzio to the service of Cardinal Cristoforo
Madruzzo of Trent, but resident in Rome by the time Marenzio joined him, which must have been around the time of Contino’s
death in 1574. The latter had been Madruzzo’s maestro di capella in Trent during the time of the famous reforming
Council and is much the most likely source of a recommendation of Marenzio to the music-loving cardinal. Unfortunately, no
documentary evidence relating to the period Marenzio was in the service of Madruzzo (c.1574-1578) has come down to us, but
we do know that at this point he was known better as a singer than as a composer and that he was also a lutenist.
On the death of Madruzzo
in 1578, Marenzio transferred to the service and patronage of one of the most powerful Roman princes, Cardinal Luigi d’Este,
a man renowned in Rome for a flamboyantly extravagant way of life that was the talk of the city and avissi, the newssheets
and gossip columns of the day. The year after Marenzio joined him, the cardinal put his young protégée’s name forward
to enter the Sistine Chapel, citing his “merit” and “good conduct”. Complex internal politics eventually
thwarted the attempt, an episode dealt with in detail by Bizzarini.[4] More important from our viewpoint was the publication in Venice in 1580 of the first of Marenzio’s madrigal
books, although he had previously had at least one madrigal published in a collection. Written for five voices, the first
book unsurprisingly bears a dedication to Cardinal d’Este. In this the young composer speaks of the works included as
“first fruits” and “imperfect efforts” that he hopes will be raised in stature by the greatness of
the cardinal. Such subservient flattery was of course customary in an era in which the relationship between patron and artist
was above all designed to bring reflected glory to the recipient of a dedication, which also frequently bore some form of
political relevance to either artist or dedicatee.
At much the same time
as the first book appeared, another event took place that would have profound repercussions for Marenzio’s development
as a composer. A group of the cardinal’s men became involved in a brawl with the papal police, injuring some of them.
When d’Este refused to hand over the culprits, Pope Gregory XIII, with whom he generally enjoyed a good relationship,
told the cardinal in no uncertain terms that if he did not bow to papal authority he must leave Rome. So Cardinal d’Este
did just that, setting off on a journey that eventually took him and his retinue, which in its later stages included Marenzio,
to his brother’s domains in Ferrara.
The Ferrara of Duke
Alfonso II was one of the undoubted cultural centres in Italy, a city in which the arts, especially music and literature,
flourished. Among the ornaments of the court’s glittering musical establishment were such luminaries as the court
organist Luzzasco Luzzaschi, whose avant-garde madrigals would exert a profound influence on Gesualdo. At the time
of Marenzio’s visit, renowned singers such as Laura Peperara and Anna Guarini, said to have “the voices of angels”,
contributed to the celebrated concerto delle donne that provided Alfonso with private concerts for the ears and eyes
of only himself and specially invited guests, the so-called “musica secreta”. Neither was the glittering artistic
roster at Ferrara confined to musicians. The tortured genius Torquato Tasso enjoyed the particular patronage of Alfonso’s
two sisters, Lucrezia and Leonora, although by the time of the visit of Cardinal d’Este and Marenzio increasingly bizarre
behaviour had led the duke to confine him. Tasso’s place as court poet had been taken over by another great poet, Battista
Guarini, whose Il pastor fido (1590) would prove to be an inexhaustible source of inspiration to composers, including
Marenzio, who drew on it in several of his late books. The effect on the 27 year-old composer of entering this extraordinary
hothouse of artistic endeavour can only be guessed at, but it must have been considerable.
Possibly it provided
at least some of the inspiration for the two books of madrigals produced in quick succession around the time Marenzio left
Ferrara. The first, for six voices, was published in April 1581, diplomatically dedicated to Duke Alfonso and with a title
page on which Marenzio describes himself as maestro di capella to Cardinal d’Este, the only occasion on which
he used the title. Bizzarini suggests that this may have been a point of honour with the cardinal, intended to show his brother
that he was the patron of a rising young star. The notion is certainly plausible, given that Luigi kept only a small musical
establishment that hardly warranted being termed a capella. The second book, this time for five voices, appeared six
months later with an address to the duke’s sister Lucrezia.
By that time Luigi d’Este
and his entourage had returned to Rome, the cardinal forgiven by the pope at a meeting at which the two men “were seen
weeping with tenderness” according to an avisso of 24 June 1581. For the next five years Marenzio remained in
Rome, a routine broken only by the occasional visit to Luigi d’Este’s villa at Tivoli. During this time he published
no fewer than seven books of madrigals for between four and six voices, a volume of Madrigali spirituale (1784) dedicated
to the pope, five books of three-voice canzonets (lighter pieces than madrigals), and a book of four-part motets. In addition
to his functions as a now fully-fledged composer, there is substantial evidence that Marenzio was frequently called on as
a singer by some of the numerous confraternities in Rome. The confraternities were lay associations that met for spiritual
and charitable purposes, often mounting elaborate devotional gatherings during Holy Week and other major religious festivals.
Bizzarini quotes a request sent to Cardinal d’Este by one such confraternity, asking that he send Marenzio to assist
with the music the following Lent. Significantly, the cardinal replied that he was not in the habit of ordering his musician
to go anywhere and that he was free to choose whom he assisted.
If this suggests that
d’Este held only a light rein on Marenzio, there was a price to pay in the form of late payments of his salary, an apparently
recurring problem articulated in a desperate letter to the cardinal dating from 1584, begging for his pay and assurance that
payment would actually be made after d’Este had ordered its release. This doubtless made the extra income that could
be earned from the confraternities, especially that of SS. Trinità,[5] the more important. In addition there was another Roman organisation with which Marenzio was involved, the Compagnia dei
Signori Musici di Roma, a kind of musicians’ guild that not only promoted the work of its members through the publication
of collections of their works, but was also involved in caring for those of its
members who had fallen on hard times or become too old to work. Marenzio was involved in all the collections published during
the 1580s, which indubitably formed the basis of those publications north of the Alps that helped disseminate his name.
Although Marenzio remained in Rome
throughout most of the 1580s, there were several occasions on which he might have left. Plans of Cardinal d’Este, who
had strong ties with the French court and was the protector of French interests in Rome, to send him to Paris came to nothing,
as did protracted negotiations in 1586 and 1587 that might have seen Marenzio become maestro di capella to Duke Gugliemo
Gonzaga of Mantua. As we have seen, Marenzio probably served in Mantua as a teenager and he is known to have kept close contact
with the court over the succeeding decade. Even before this, in 1583, moves were made to attract Marenzio to Mantua, but they
had coincided with the period when it was thought he would be sent to Paris. Considerable documentation exists regarding the
negotiations of 1586 and 1587,[6] but suffice it to say here that in the end Gonzaga and Marenzio were unable to reach agreement over pay and terms. More importantly
from our viewpoint, these negotiations provide rare insight into the character and personality of our subject, who in many
respects remains a somewhat shadowy figure. Scipione Gonzaga, Patriarch of Jerusalem, who was charged with dealing with Marenzio
in Rome, submitted a number of reports back to Mantua, from which we learn that while Marenzio was in principle prepared to
take a post with the Gonzagas it would have to be one that was both “honourable and advantageous”. Gonzaga’s
impression of Marenzio reveals a man confident of his own abilities and the possessor of a certain pride that excluded haughtiness:
In
general I find it good that he would not accept any kind of position, and that, much desirous of honour, he would not serve
under a superior in the same profession; he also insists on stability, and wherever he agrees to serve, there insofar as it
concerns him, he would expect to live and die. To sum up, he shows nobility of spirit, and does not find it easy to abase
himself for anything: and yet he never fails to be modest and courteous towards whomever he is dealing with.[7]
On 30 December 1586 Luigi d’Este
died, leaving Marenzio without an employer until the end of the following year, the time when it is assumed he entered the
service of Cardinal Ferdinando de’ Medici in Florence. That Marenzio was able not only to exist for such a period, but
also make a visit to Verona, suggests that he was now able to command substantial free-lance earnings. The visit to Verona
is linked to a publication that stands out as a landmark in his career. This is the First Book of Madrigals for 4-6 voices
(Venice, 1588), a volume not only unique in his output for its mixture of vocal scoring, but, more importantly, because it
represented a clear and conscious change of direction that would inform, if not dictate, the remainder of Marenzio’s
madrigal output. That this change of emphasis was conscious is evident from the dedication to Count Mario Bevilacqua, the
patron of the Accademia Filarmonica of Verona, a text sufficiently important to be quoted here in abbreviated form:
… since I have been unable till now to respond to them [favours bestowed by Bevilacqua] except with pure and
simple affection, it seemed to me fitting on the occasion of my passing through Verona to present to you
these madrigals composed by me very recently in a style very different from that of the past, inasmuch as I have aimed, through
the imitation of the words and the propriety of the style, at a sombre gravity (so to speak), which will perhaps be far more
pleasing to connoisseurs like you and to your most virtuoso ensemble.
Marenzio was correct in assuming
that in turning to “sombre gravity” he was writing music that would appeal to a smaller audience of connoisseurs.
The publication was not a success, failing to achieve more than one edition. Nonetheless it marks an important turning point,
since while Marenzio did not entirely abandon the gracious elegance that marked his earlier work, the madrigals of his final
decade are characterised by a new seriousness of approach and a degree of experimentation reflected in a choice of poets that
now includes such names as Tasso and Guarini.
But we must return to Marenzio’s
Florentine interlude, which occupied a period of around three years. In the autumn of 1587 Ferdinando de’ Medici had
become Alfonso II, Grand Duke of Tuscany following the suspicious deaths of his brother and predecessor Francesco and his
wife Bianca within a few hours of each other, deaths for which Ferdinando was widely considered responsible. Shortly before
this Ferdinando had visited Rome, hiring several musicians including Marenzio and Emilio de’ Cavalieri, remembered today
for his allegorical stage work Rappresentatione di anima e di corpo. It is not known exactly when Marenzio arrived
in Florence, the earliest documented evidence we have dating from the end of February 1588.
The brilliant phalanx of musicians
the new duke had gathered in Florence were there to serve a special purpose, an occasion that would enter history as one of
the most spectacular of the sixteenth century. This was the celebrations that attended the wedding of Duke Ferdinando to Christine
of Lorraine, the granddaughter of Caterina de’ Medici, Queen Mother of France, a union of immense political significance.
The centrepiece of these celebrations was the hugely elaborate staging of the comedy La pellegrina, an entertainment
that included six brilliant intermedi, the music for the second and third of which, “The Singing Contest between
the Pierides and the Muses” and “Apollo slays the Monster at Delphi” respectively, was composed by Marenzio.
The overall musical direction was entrusted to Cavalieri. Sufficient has been written elsewhere about this extraordinary and
unusually well-documented “wedding of the century” (Bizzarini) for it to require little comment here, but we will
return to Marenzio’s music in due course. The premiere (there were at least three further performances during the lengthy
celebrations) took place on 2 May 1589 in a salon in the Uffizi Palace before a celebrity guest list drawn from across Europe,
Marenzio himself taking part in the premiere (as Saturn in the first intermedio, “The Harmony of the Spheres”)
and in one of the subsequent performances.
Following the wedding festivities,
Ferdinando had little need for such a large number of costly musicians and Marenzio was one of those not retained. By the
end of 1589 he was back in Rome, where he took up service in the palace of Virginio Orsini, the young Duke of Bracciano, whom
the composer had come to know in Florence. Although the fifth book of 6-voice madrigals was dedicated to Orsini, the ties
with him seem to have been looser than they were with Cardinal d’Este and in any event he had left the duke’s
residence by 1593. Neither was Orsini the only member of the “Florentine circle”, with whom Marenzio was involved
during these years. Of particular importance among the others we find the figure of Cardinal Alessandro Montralto, Orsini’s
brother in law. A good musician himself – he was said to play the harpsichord
excellently and sing “in a sweet and sensitive manner” – Montralto
was later to become a great patron of the arts, and seems to have entertained an interest in the prospect of employing
Marenzio.
Marenzio was now at the height of
his fame, evidence for which comes with his appointment in the service of Cardinal Cinzio Aldobrandini, a member of a family
that had seen a meteoric rise to distinction culminating in the election of Cardinal Ippolito Aldobrandini as Pope Clement
VIII in 1590. Cinzio was his nephew, appointed secretary of state by the new pope. Marenzio’s new home therefore became
Cinzio’s apartments in the Vatican, among his neighbours being Tasso. Further evidence that Marenzio’s renown
had spread well beyond the confines of Rome comes from an extraordinarily ambitious publishing project. In 1593 the Antwerp
publishers Pierre Phalèse and Jean Bellère issued a complete edition of all Marenzio’s five-voice madrigals published
up that point, that is to say Books 1 to 5, a distinction rarely accorded any composer and one enhanced by the issue of the
equivalent six-voice madrigals the following year. The dedication (to two Spanish merchants of Antwerp) underlines the composer’s
widespread fame:
The works of S. Luca Marenzio, one of the foremost musicians of our times, are so agreeable, and so respected by the
virtuosi of this divine art of music, that they are collected and greatly prized not only in Italy but also in Flanders
and all other parts of the world.
A timely reminder that the precedence
of Marenzio’s secular works
should not be allowed to deflect us completely from his interest in sacred
music comes with a commission he received from Pope Clement at the end at 1594. It called for Marenzio to take over the work
of revising the Graduale started by Palestrina (who had died early the same year) and Annibale Zoilo, a Roman-born
composer and sometime member of the Sistine Chapel who had died in 1592. At the same time, Marenzio was also asked to compose
new sacred music according to the precepts of the Council of Trent, although it is difficult to determine which works might
have resulted from this commission, as apart from the book of motets already mentioned few of Marenzio’s sacred works
were published in his lifetime and most are undated.
The next (and perhaps final) major
event in Marenzio’s life has always been surrounded by the strange episode of his supposed liaison with “a kinswoman
of the pope”, a story first recorded by the English writer Henry Peacham in his The Compleat Gentleman (1622).
According to Peacham it was this indiscretion that directly led the pope and Cardinal Aldobrandini to send Marenzio to Warsaw
to take over as maestro di capella to the Polish king, Sigismund III. The story has never been substantiated and its
close examination by Bizzarini, including the presentation of recently discovered documentation, can only lead to the conclusion
that there is little likelihood of it being accurate, at least as it stands.[8] It seems more likely that Sigismund simply sought advice from Rome about a replacement for his maestro Annibale Stabile,
a pupil of Palestrina Nonetheless, Marenzio, whose constitution was reported to be not of the strongest, is hardly likely
to have regarded the prospect of a post in such an inhospitable climate and unsettled territory with much pleasure. He left
Rome at some point in the autumn of 1595 in the company of a number of other Italian musicians, journeying to Kraków, the
usual residence of the Polish court at that time, and then on to Warsaw, where the court had transferred. Little is known
of Marenzio’s sojourn in Poland, but surviving records show that he composed both sacred and secular works. A Te
Deum cannot firmly be ascribed to Marenzio, but a polychoral Mass can, in addition to which Bizzarini identifies three
polychoral motets almost certainly composed in Poland.
The lacuna that exists during Marenzio’s
sojourn in Poland extends to any reason being known for his return to Italy. The first we hear of him back on home soil is
in Venice, where on 20 October 1598 he signed the dedication for his eighth book of five-voice Madrigals, a publication addressed
to Ferrante Gonzaga, a cousin of the Duke of Mantua, who himself would be the dedicatee of Marenzio’s ninth book of
five-voice Madrigals (Venice, 1599), the final seal on a relationship with Mantua and the Gonzagas stretching back more than
thirty years. By that time Marenzio had finally returned to Rome, but little more than three months later he was dead, most
likely as a result of a fatal weakening in Poland of an already poor constitution. His death occurred on 22 August 1599 in
the garden of the Villa Medici in Rome, a location that suggests he had resumed contact with the Medicis following his return.
The Secular Works
As is evident from the foregoing,
secular works dominate Marenzio’s output. At the heart of this large corpus lies the eighteen published books of madrigals,
ten of which are scored for five voices, the most favoured medium of the day, while six call for six voices, one four voices
and attention has already been drawn to the unique seminal collection that includes madrigals scored for four, five and six
voices. Included in this list is the Madrigali spirituali of 1584, which differs from overtly secular works only by
virtue of the religious content and moralizing nature of its texts. With the exception of this book and the four-voice madrigals
issued in Rome in 1585, all Marenzio’s madrigal books were published in Venice between 1580 and 1599. In addition there
are five books of pieces scored for three voices, all dating from between 1584 and 1587, and designated either as villanelle
or canzonette alle napolitana. Of a lighter character than the madrigals, they also differ in being set to strophic
verses rather than through-composed and displaying a greater degree of homophonic as opposed to contrapuntal writing. Finally,
we must note the two intermedi contributed by Marenzio to the spectacular 1589 Florentine wedding celebrations, his
only music that can securely be placed within a dramatic context. Marenzio’s music is in some ways atypical, since although
he retained the madrigalian style, the necessity of writing for large forces called for a considerable reduction of counterpoint.
More strikingly, in contrast to other contributors to the intermedi such as Malvezzi or Cavalieri, Marenzio here shows
little interest in the emergence of the revolutionary stile recitativo or the “seconda prattica”.
For the non-specialist, detailed
consideration of Marenzio’s large body of madrigals remains a vain quest in the light of the lack of comprehensive accessibility
to either printed or recorded music. Indeed, it would be possible to put in a valid claim that Marenzio remains one of the
most neglected of all great composers. Here comment on particular publications and individual madrigals is therefore restricted
to those readers at least have a chance of hearing, although not all the recordings on which they appear are currently available.
As already noted, Marenzio’s
reputation as a madrigalist was founded almost entirely on earlier works that are typified by the easy grace, mellifluous
elegance and “sweetness” so widely praised by his contemporaries both in Italy and further afield. A paradigmatic
example occurs in Liquide perle, from Marenzio’s first published book, a tiny, exquisite gem whose six lines
fall into three clearly subdivided sections, as Bizzarini notes in his penetrating analysis of the madrigal, where he also
draws attention to the exemplary skill of the composer’s voice-leading and musical coherence.[9] In short, the gentle, subtle eroticism of Liquide perle announces the arrival of an already fully equipped madrigal
composer. And that we should not be misled into stereotyping all Marenzio’s early madrigals into such a world, the same
book also includes a setting of Luigi Tansillo’s anguished Dolorosi martir demonstrating that even at this stage
he was equally a master of more intense emotions, clearly in evidence in the dissonance of the opening line, the homophonic
stress placed on the perpetual anguish of the lover, and the final heightening of tension in the concluding words: “my
life has now become a bitter struggle”.
The mid-1580s constitute one of the
most active periods of Marenzio’s creative life. A single year, 1585, witnessed the publication of no fewer than six
collections: the fifth book of 5-voice madrigals, the third of 6-voice madrigals, the sole extant book of 4-voice madrigals
(another is lost), three of the collections of villanelle and canzonette, and the Motectorum festorum
for 4-voices, Marenzio’s first sacred music collection. Among these, the 4-voice madrigals have a special place, such
a vocal disposition for madrigals being largely outmoded by Marenzio’s day. It is a form that makes special demands
on a composer, since the more open texture is less forgiving than composing in five or six parts. Marenzio’s solution
is an extraordinary diversity of mood and texture that runs from madrigals of playful, almost scherzo-like character with
rapid declamation employing the most transparent of textures to broad, slow moving pieces. In Zefiro torna, which like
a number of the pieces in the collection is drawn from Petrarch’s Canzoniere, Marenzio combines both features,
dramatically contrasting the delightful, airy evocation of springtime in the first half with the bitter sentiments of the
forlorn lover unable to respond to the rebirth of life. The abject misery of the abandoned lover is graphically illustrated
from the outset in Ahi, dispietata morte!, another Petrarch setting, where the upper voice’s desperate
cries emerging first from the octave leap from “Ahi” to the first syllable of “dispietata”, a process
repeated in the second line, where the word “Ahi” now becomes the focus of the cry, the moment intensified by
the chromatic underlay in the alto part.
The move to the “sombre gravity”
of the 1588 Bevilacqua collection was, then, by no means unheralded. Its novelty lies in a new concentration on serious texts
in which effects are often created by the subtlest of musical means. The 4-voice Piango che Amor, for instance, takes
up the familiar theme of the affliction of new, thwarted love. But here the word “sospiro” is treated not to the
expected falling “sigh”, but makes it effect by repetition, while the key text “I suffer, for no bright
and lively glances…” is treated to a slow descending sequence of exquisite harmonic progressions. One notes, too,
the extreme clarity of word setting, with a forward-looking concentration on the upper voice that suggests that while Marenzio
never formerly adopted the principles of the seconda prattica, he was not unaware of developments taking place. Such
trends are particularly apparent in 6-voice madrigals such as O fere stelle, where the top line dominates in both the
opening and closing sections.
Three years separate the Madrigali
for 4- to 6-voices from Marenzio’s next publication, the 6-voice collection dedicated to the Duke of Ferrara. Here
we can perhaps detect some suggestion that our composer’s exposure to the Duke’s “musica secreta”
had an influence on such writing as we find in the extraordinary sensuality of the four-part cycle Baci soave e cari,
aptly described by Anthony Rooley as “a manual on the art of love-making”. Here every possible kind of kiss, its
effects and results are explored in a work providing conclusive evidence that Marenzio had far from abandoned his ability
to seduce ear and mind.
With the sixth (1594) and seventh
(1595) books of 5-voice madrigals, come yet further distinctive advancements in Marenzio’s artistic development, in
this case literary as much as musical. Completely absent is the reliance on historic writers such as Petrarch, who are replaced
by contemporary poets in general and Guarini in particular. Indeed, the dominance of verses from Guarini’s Il pastor
fido, a source hitherto largely neglected by madrigal composers, has led to speculation of direct collaboration between
the two. The overall mood of the sixth book, dedicated to Cardinal Aldobrandini, is one of restrained passion, of the joys
and pain of love expressed through an intensity that often inhabits a world of profound longing rather than of anguish, although
there are lighter pieces and the book closes with two largely homophonic madrigals that look back to the wedding music of
the 1589 intermedi – and perhaps forward to the dance madrigals in Act I of Monteverdi’s Orfeo;
it is perhaps not without significance that several of these lighter pieces have texts by the Florentine poet G. B. Strozzi.
In the predominating serious pieces one is aware of a heightened use of dissonance deployed in a manner designed to surprise,
but never shock in the manner of Gesualdo, or even Wert. Also apparent is a greater of level of virtuosity in the inner parts,
the astonishing skill with which supreme contrapuntal mastery is juxtaposed with the striking harmonies of the homophonic
passages, and the contrast of colour achieved by the variety of vocal scoring, a trait particularly notable in the play of
high against low sonorities in a work like Hor chi, Clori beata. All these features can be heard in the beautiful Rimante
in pace, where Marenzio employs narrative form to produce a
heartrending picture of parting heightened by such subtle word-painting as the quickening of pulse at Tirsi’s words
“for I must go, as the law ordains”, or the unforgettably tear-stained final words of his Clori: “O my dear
soul, who would separate you from me?”.
Finally, we must note two further
late books, the sixth (and last) book for 6-voices of 1595 particularly for the inclusion of Se qual dolor. The publication
was dedicated to Margherita Gonzaga, the wife of the Duke of Ferrara, and includes a number of lighter or sumptuous works
that some authorities believe predate the 1590s. However, Se qual dolor, a setting of a ten-movement capitolo (chapter)
by Luigi Tansillo could not be further removed from such madrigals, inhabiting a world of almost unrelieved anguish announced
at the outset to the words “If the pain that heralds death”, set to long, chromatically-tortured note values.
The first eight movements consist of a deeply introspective plaint, the tension consistently heightened then momentarily released,
but the final movements, directly addressed to the loved one, encompass an overwhelming outpouring of passion culminating
in the devastating final line: “be kind enough to shed one single tear upon my ashes”. This great madrigal cycle
is, if you will, Marenzio’s Winterreise, a summation of the extremes of love’s miseries that can only end
in death.
The composer’s own swansong
came four years later, with the publication of the ninth book of 5-voice madrigals. With hindsight it is tempting to see this
book as a valedictory epistle, yet there is no evidence to suggest that Marenzio was expecting his early death in 1599. Fascinatingly,
the texts chosen for the publication, addressed to Vincenzo Gonzaga, the new Duke of Mantua and Monteverdi’s future
employer, revert to Marenzio’s interest in Petrarchian verse, exactly half of the fourteen madrigals included being
set to his texts. But Marenzio does not forsake the modern poets he had turned to early in the decade and we also find here
three Guarini texts. In another sense, too, one might see the madrigals of the final book as Janus-faced, since there is here
a renewed concentration on strictly contrapuntal techniques allied to a highly contemporary approach to declamation and rhythm.
One notes, too, a greater tendency to sectionalise and treat episodes more expansively; several of the madrigals fall into
two parts and are among the longest of his settings. All these characteristics are in evidence in Così nel mio parlar,
a rare example (for any madrigalist) of setting a text by Dante, where the closely-woven contrapuntal intricacy of the opening
lines is disrupted by the sprightly rhythmic vitality of the central section, while the heavy-hearted opening of Dura legge
d’Amor (Oh! Hard law of love!) is succeeded by a spectacular burst of rhythmic energy at the words “make peace,
war and surrender”. L’aura che’l verde seems to return to the graceful elegance of Marenzio’s
earlier works, but one viewed through the prism of maturity, a verdict that might similarly initially apply to the charming
pastoral sentiments of Fiume ch’a l’onde tue ninfe e pastori, but here, as disillusionment sets in, they
conspire to be a false dawn. Solo e pensoso, a profoundly philosophical text by Petrarch, also drew an outstanding
setting for five-voices from Giaches de Wert in his seventh book of 1581, a madrigal with which Marenzio would surely have
been familiar. Here he portrays the hesitant steps of the thoughtful wanderer with a startlingly modern sounding harmonic
progression, while treating the burning intensity of his emotions (“fuor di legge com’io dentr’avampi”)
to unusually powerful rhetoric. Marenzio could hardly have foreseen that the ninth book would form the culmination of his
life’s creative work, but as such it forms the most eloquent of testimonies.
The Sacred Works
If only a small part of Marenzio’s
secular output is known, the same observation is even truer of the sacred works, which have as yet barely begun to be explored.
Far fewer in number than the madrigals and other secular pieces, only one extant publication dates from Marenzio’s lifetime,
the book of 4-part motets published in Venice in 1585. As scholars have noted, the motet book can be seen as a corollary of
the book of 4-voice madrigals published in the same year, works that take a madrigalian approach to such matters as word painting.
The volume was dedicated to Scipione Gonzaga, the man who would the following year be in charge of negotiations with Marenzio
over his mooted move to Mantua. Otherwise, we are left with a posthumous collection of motets published in 1614 and sundry
other works that appeared in various other collections or remain unpublished. Among the latter are two impressive polychoral
works in 12-parts divided into three choirs, Super flumina Babylonis and Lamentabatur Jacob, neither of which
can be assigned to Marenzio with total security. As a footnote that again reminds us of his enduring eminence, in the early
years of the seventeenth century several of Marenzio’s madrigals were turned into sacred contrafacta by the Milanese
musician Aquilino Coppini, among them Deggio dunque partir (Book II a 5, 1581), which became Ergo non uis abire.
Epilogue
There is evidence to suggest that
Marenzio remained known to at least some extent for two centuries following his death, valued for the poetic sensibility,
poise, grace and purity of a small, familiar part of his output. Interestingly, in 1607 he was named by Giulio Cesare Monteverdi,
the composer’s brother, as a composer of the seconda prattica, alongside such names as Wert, Peri and Caccini,
the last two perhaps composers one might not readily associate with Marenzio. For Henry Peacham, who got most of his “facts”
about Marenzio wrong, the “delicious air and sweet invention in madrigals” made him a composer “who excelleth
all other whatsoever”.[10] Appreciation of Marenzio in England found new impetus with the revival of interest in the madrigal in the eighteenth century.
Spearheaded by such organisations as the Academy of Vocal Music (founded in 1726) and the Madrigal Society (1741), a select
number of Marenzio’s motets and madrigals, drawn of course from the early books, found a new audience, while both great
English historians of the period, Charles Burney and Sir John Hawkins paid due tribute to him, Hawkins including the whole
of the 4-voice Dissi a l’amata (1585) in his General History.[11] Thereafter, Marenzio’s star waned until the start of a revival of interest late in the twentieth century, Alfred Einstein’s
comprehensive devotion to him in his magisterial The Italian Madrigal (1949) forming a notable exception. As yet this
revival remains at best partial, scant reward for a composer of such real stature. For the most part intended for connoisseurs,
the madrigals, particularly the great works of the 1590s, remain music for the refined ear. Yet the rewards for those prepared
to enter this rarefied world, a world in which the most profound and intense human passions are laid bare, are incalculable.
This article originally appeared in Goldberg Early Music Magazine and is reproduced by permission.
Dowland did not reach Rome,
and it is unlikely he ever met Marenzio. See “John Dowland”, Goldberg 37.
[2] Marco Bizzarini’s Luca
Marenzio: The Career of a Musician Between the Renaissance and the Counter–Reformation, trans. James Chater (Aldershot,
2003) is an invaluable introduction to the composer. I acknowledge my considerable debt to Bizzarini in the preparation
of this article. See Goldberg 27 for a review of the book.
[3] Notes for Musica Oscura 070992.
The CD is now unavailable.
[4] Bizzarini, Marenzio,
p.11.
[5] During Lent 1584 Marenzio earned
90 scudi from the confraternity, 50% more than his annual salary with d’Este.
[6] Bizzarini, Marenzio,
pp.113-121.
[7] Quoted in Steven Ledbetter, ‘Luca Marenzio: new biographical findings, PhD diss., New York
University, 1971. Also in Bizzarini, Marenzio, p. 115.
[8] Bizzarini, Marenzio,
pp.212-218, 226 & 28. Bizzarini does not dismiss the possibility of some kind of romantic liaison that could have played
a part in Marenzio’s “exile” from Rome.
[9] Bizzarini, Marenzio,
pp. 143-145.
[10] Henry Peacham, The
Complete Gentleman, London, 1622. From O. Strunk, Source Readings in Music History, 1981 rep. ed.
[11] John Hawkins, A General History
of the Science and Practice of Music, Rep. New York, 1963. vol. 1. pp. 432-433.
RETURN TO TOP OF PAGE
RETURN TO HOME PAGE
|